Pablo Escobar: Violence, Cocaine, and Wealth

Written by Maggie Sullivan

Pablo Escobar: violence, cocaine, and wealth. These are the first words that come to mind when I think about the man who was named seventh-richest in the world by Forbes magazine in 1989 and who was considered by many to be the most brutal drug kingpin until his death on December 2nd, 1993.

In the late 1980s, American law enforcement and intelligence organizations were involved in a major initiative with Colombian authorities to track down and bring to justice Medellin cocaine trafficker Pablo Escobar. I just finished reading “Killing Pablo” by Mark Bowden, a book that recounts this game of cat and mouse involving both the Colombian and US governments.

I was surprised to read that contrary to popular belief, Escobar did not actually offer to pay off the Colombian debt of $10 billion in exchange for a pardon by the government. This is not to say that he did not bribe his way through Colombia, paying officials to look the other way whenever he shipped cocaine out of the country and convincing the government to let him build his own prison complete with a Jacuzzi, big screen televisions, and a bar.

And while Pablo Escobar did become one of the world’s most wanted man by both the Colombian and US governments, he was also very well-liked in his hometown of Medellín. He cultivated his Robin Hood image by supporting the construction of homes for the poor, sports complexes, and other community restoration projects.

As time passed, the cocaine industry grew and generated much greater profits. At one point Escobar might have been able to "make amends" with the Colombian government, however he eventually became deeply involved in an industry that ultimately led to the outright declaration of war between the Colombian government and the Medellín cartel. And as previously mentioned, the US played a significant role in this war. The US government, including the Central Intelligence Agency, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), and the State Department played a crucial role in the pursuit of Pablo Escobar by providing the Colombian government with training, equipment, and intelligence.

Whether or not US officials were present when Escobar was killed is still a matter of debate. However, what is certain is that US support played an undeniably important role in the search and assassination of Pablo Escobar.

The decline of the Medellin Cartel and rise of the Cali Mafia

So what did Escobar’s death signify for the cocaine industry? Did it result in the end of the so-called "war on drugs?" The answer is no. Instead, it signified the death of the Medellín cartel. And rather than destroy the Colombian cocaine industry, Escobar’s death merely shifted the balance of power from the Medellin Cartel to the Cali Mafia and it increased involvement of the paramilitaries (a.k.a. "death squads") in the cocaine business. Few would argue that Escobar’s death ended the “drug war.” Instead, most would argue that it simply shifted the major players of the game.

Maggie Sullivan is a second-year MALD student at The Fletcher School and is focusing her studies on Development Economics and International Monetary Theory. She is currently in Colombia doing an internship with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

The Legacy of Truth: The Impact of Transitional Justice

On Wednesday, I had the opportunity to attend a regional conference entitled The Legacy of Truth: The Impact of Transitional Justice on the Building of Democracy in Latin America. At the conference, I was able to hear experts discuss transitional justice and the challenges facing the peace and justice process in Colombia. In general terms, transitional justice refers to "a range of approaches that societies undertake to reckon with legacies of widespread or systematic human rights abuse as they move from a period of violent conflict or oppression towards peace, democracy, the rule of law, and respect for individual and collective rights."

Panel topics included:

• Contributions of transitional justice in the building and strengthening of democracy;
• The role of truth commissions as catalysts for social inclusion;
  
• The contribution of criminal justice prosecutions in strengthening the rule of law;
• Demobilization processes and their influence on the rule of law, local reintegration, and citizen security;
• The future of political and social reconciliation: Rebuilding social cohesion and civilian confidence.

Speakers and panel moderators included the Vice President of Colombia, the Attorney General, ambassadors from Argentina, France, Switzerland, Peru, Mexico, and Chile, the President of the Colombian Reconciliation and Reparations Comission (CNRR), and numerous experts on transitional justice. I was especially excited to attend a lecture by Carlos Martin Beristain, a highly regarded expert on mass grave exhumations and psychosocial support for victims of political violence and "natural" disasters.

Since Wednesday's conference, I have been researching and writing a report that will provide recommendations to the Attorney General on "best" ways to return to relatives the remains of individuals exhumed from mass graves. This plan will outline several ways to meet the diverse needs of relatives attending such ceremonies. To accomplish this, I have been researching how such ceremonies have been conducted in Guatemala, Peru, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Kosovo and I have put together a summary of many "best practices" and "lessons learned." My objective is to develop a pilot project that will be implemented during a ceremony in Santa Marta, Colombia at the end of July. At this ceremony the remains of 30+ individuals will be returned to their families, and if the pilot project goes well this plan could be used during future ceremonies throughout Colombia.

Winning the "War on Drugs"

Written by Maggie Sullivan

Yesterday I had the opportunity to attend a press conference here in the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) regarding the latest coca cultivation data. This conference was particularly interesting because of the perceived differences between the estimates of United States and Colombia regarding the (lack of?) progress on the “war on drugs.” The UNODC and Colombian Government’s official statistics show a reduction in total coca cultivation of 9%. However, the US numbers tell a different story: that there was no change in coca cultivation from 2005 to 2006. To explain this difference, it appears that the two governments have been using different methods to measure coca cultivation. According to Sandro Calvani, the representative here at the UNODC, there will be a meeting next week in Washington, D.C. in order to reach agreement upon setting a standard measuring method. In yesterday's press conference, Calvani emphasized the importance of international assistance in Colombia’s struggle against illicit drugs. This comes at a time when the US Congress has decided to change the direction of the aid package.

Regardless of whether total coca cultivation in Colombia has decreased, it has increased in Peru and Bolivia – which also means that the world supply remains unchanged. This is also called the “balloon effect.” The overall cultivation level does not really decrease, but rather it changes directions, similar to what happens when you squeeze a balloon.

Economic theory applies: as long as there is market demand, there will be supply.

Maggie Sullivan is a second-year MALD student at The Fletcher School and is focusing her studies on Development Economics and International Monetary Theory. She is currently in Colombia doing an internship with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

Gay bombs, bad breath, and killer bees

Here's an unusual story that I discovered today while reading the Colombian newspaper, El Tiempo. The U.S. Defense Department has apparently investigated building a "gay bomb," which would make enemy soldiers "sexually irresistable" to each other and deliver a "lethal blow" to troop morale. Other unique and non-lethal weapons included one that would give soldiers bad breath, and yet another would attract swarms of enraged wasps or angry rats towards enemy troups. Apparently, plans were scrapped to build the "Who? Me?" device intended to simulate flatulence in enemy ranks because, "people in many areas of the world do not find fecal odor offensive, since they smell it on a regular basis."

In the Eyes of the FARC

If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.

-Sun Tzu, The Art of War

In order to understand the ongoing conflict in Colombia, we need to understand the complex and often enigmatic views of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). And by improving their understanding of the FARC, government negotiators might be better able to achieve a negotiated prisoner swap.

Published in the Semana weekly magazine on June 10, the article entitled "In the Eyes of the FARC" (Spanish/English) offers a thoughtful reflection on some of the motivations behind this powerful movement. (Many thanks to Adam Isacson at the Center for International Policy for making this article available in English.)

The Importance of Understanding the Five "Core Concerns"

Whether we are negotiating a hostage exchange or simply deciding where to go for dinner, emotions can play an important role during negotiations. Fischer and Shapiro would recommend that Colombian negotiators study the FARC and strive to address their five "Core Concerns." The "Core Concerns" provide a way for us to understand the basic "human wants that are important to almost everyone in virtually every negotiation." And by focusing on these wants, negotiators can be more effective. The "Core Concerns" are appreciation, affiliation, autonomy, status, and role.

Appreciation is the desire we all have to feel understood and honestly valued. Mutual appreciation can increase the level of cooperation during negotiations.

Affiliation describes the sense of connectedness with another group or person. By recognizing the commonality between groups, negotiators can bridge the gap between the parties and enhance their ability to work together.

Autonomy refers to the "freedom to affect or make decisions without the imposition of other." Promoting autonomy is essential and requires that we also guard against impinging upon or interfering with the autonomy of others. When we impinge upon the autonomy of the other, we essentially take away their ability to make decisions independently.

Status refers to our perceived standing in comparison to the standing of others. Positive emotions can be fostered when our own status contributes to rather than detracts from our self-esteem. On the other hand, negative emotions can be generated through competition for status. Fischer and Shapiro point out that people tend to cooperate when there are more positive than negative emotions during negotiations.

Role describes the process of choosing a fulfilling role in the negotiation that satisfies your needs and standards of appreciation, affiliation, autonomy, and status.

This past week, President Uribe released dozens of FARC guerrillas from prison in an effort to stimulate the release of hostages held by the guerrilla movement. However, FARC leaders have vehemently rejected all offers of a unilateral government prisoner release, saying they would only negotiate a prisoner-for-hostage swap if the government created a demilitarized zone in two southwestern Colombian towns. In an interview with the so-called FARC "Chancellor," Raúl Reyes stated that the president's unilateral decision was viewed positively, "just as long as it is done without any conditions, any pressure, or any tricks." This sounds a lot like the FARC leadership is trying very hard to assert their autonomy, doesn't it?

To learn more about the "Core Concerns", you might pick up a copy of Beyond Reason: Using Emotions As You Negotiate by Roger Fischer and Daniel Shapiro. Or, you might like to check out this concise summary written by Hollie Hendrikson.

Chicaque Nature Reserve

On Sunday, I went with my friend Angie and her 7-year-old daughter Meily to the Chicaque Nature Reserve. Located approximately 45 minutes west of Bogota, Chicaque is a high-altitude cloud forest that is home to hundreds of plant and animal species, including more than 200 species of birds, 17 types of orchids, hares and rabbits, two-toed sloths, long-tailed monkeys, and bobcats. The reserve has over 15 kilometers of nature trails, seven forest habitat-types, and several waterfalls including one that is over 230 feet (70 meters) high. The park also offers a variety of amenities that include a hotel, a restaurant with great food and service, guided tours, horseback riding, and camping.

My friends and I spent the day at Chicaque by ascending and descending more than 15 kilometers of steep, rugged trails. And because we had started our hike somewhat late in the day we ended up running out of daylight. Deep in the heart of the forest and exhausted from the five hours already spent hiking, we climbed out of the park in nearly complete darkness. Fortunately, Meily was quite a trooper as she lead the way almost the entire day (except for the last half mile that I carried her on my back).
















The above map of Chicaque shows the trails and points of interest that we passed during our 10-12 mile hike. We started at the park entrance (point A) and hiked down to the scenic overlook (point B). Then, we continued down into the valley to the hotel and restaurant (point H) where we had lunch. Following lunch, we ventured off on a two-hour hike to the waterfalls (point J) and once there we found ourselves running out of daylight. Not good! So, we quickly headed towards the park entrance. However, by the time we reached point H, we had only the stars to light our way! Once we reached the park entrance (point A) we still had 1.9 miles of walking to reach the main highway where we were relieved to catch a bus back to Bogota.

Despite the nerve-racking final hours stumbling around in the dark, yesterday was definitely a memorable time spent enjoying the outdoors.

"The best Plan Colombia ever"

There's hardly a dull moment when it comes to Colombian politics. First, this week President Uribe has been working to free from prison approximately 150 members of the FARC (see #35), a leftist insurgency determined to overthrow the Colombian government. Second, the U.S. Congress is debating a proposal to alter the way foreign aid is given to Colombia. The goal of this new proposal is to create the best Plan Colombia ever.

What is Plan Colombia?

Since 2000, the United States has provided anti-drug and anti-terrorism support to the government of Colombia through "Plan Colombia" at an expense of over $5 billion. The aid package has primarily consisted of military aid and drug-eradication assistance (80%) in addition to funding for humanitarian assistance (20%). This week, Congress has proposed reducing the percentage of military assistance to approximately 65% and increasing the level of humanitarian aid to 35%. The new Plan Colombia would increase aid for much needed alternative development projects as well as for programs intended to promote democracy, assist communities displaced by the conflict, and help demobilize paramilitaries and guerrillas.

Why the change of heart?

This new stance by Congress appears to be connected to two recent and unsavory revelations: First, a recent White House report suggests that Colombia is not actually winning the "war on drugs." According to a report released by the White House this week, coca production has increased steadily over the past few years despite massive (and expensive) efforts to eradicate the illicit crop used for the production of cocaine. Second, recent reports also suggest that President Uribe and his administration have maintained close ties with the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), an illegal armed group that appears on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations (See #42).

Colombia's "Narco-Bubble"

Over the past year, the Colombian peso (COP) has increased in value more against the U.S. dollar than any other currency in the world. President Uribe argues that Colombia is winning the war on drugs, pointing out that the country has dismantled paramilitaries, weakened guerrillas, and reduced the narco-economy, however economic indicators tell a different story. The growing strength of the COP has seriously hurt the country’s exports and job market. And despite Uribe's claims of winning the drug war, the Financial Times reports that the steady rise in the peso is due to a massive influx of dollars from narco-trafficking.

The "new" Plan Colombia

In my view, the "new" Plan Colombia will directly assist those working to strengthen the Colombian peace process. First, funding for alternative development projects is needed by those whose primary source of income comes from the cultivation of illicit crops. Without these crops, many have no other livelihood options and therefore are resistant to giving up this guaranteed source of income. Second, the new Plan would provide much needed funding support for Colombia’s strained judicial system. The system currently burdened by the task of investigating and prosecuting thousands of demobilized paramilitaries and guerrillas. The funding would permit the hiring of much needed judges, prosecutors, and investigators to prosecute those individuals bearing the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitarian law.

Based on my recent conversations with the prosecutors office, investigators conducting exhumations often are forced to take public transportation (taxis and buses) to the grave locations because they lack vehicles of their own. These are often in isolated areas controlled by paramilitaries or guerrillas where the security situation tends to get "a bit complicated." The fact that investigators must resort to using public transportation exposes them to greater security risks that could be mitigated by having access to their own private vehicles. It appears that the new Plan Colombia will provide much needed financial support for such purchases.

A solemn day in Bogota

Monday morning I received a phone call from Catalina, a co-worker of mine from IOM. She called to let me know that we had been invited to attend a funeral-like ceremony known as an entrega de restos. During the entrega de restos, government officials returned the remains of four deceased individuals to their respective families. The four individuals had been murdered by paramilitaries and were discovered in November 2006 in a mass grave outside of Bogota. Since November, the national police and forensic investigators had worked to identify the individuals and determine their cause of death. On Monday, the families of the deceased were able to receive the remains of their lost loved ones and take steps to provide them with a dignified burial.

Before heading to yesterday's ceremony I had the opportunity to meet with the Attorney General of Colombia. I was especially impressed by his concern for the victims and their families. I was actually quite impressed by all of the officials who spoke yesterday and their commitment to the victims' families. For this reason, I have been asked by the District Attorney to work along with the Special Prosecutor for Exhumations to design a program that ensures that families receive the proper attention and support during upcoming entrega de restos ceremonies.

In addition to contributing to promoting the emotional recovery of the family members, a good argument could be made that exhumations strengthen the Colombian peace process. Such investigations expose the horrible atrocities committed by paramilitaries and guerrilla movements and I suspect that they might serve to undermine the support these groups receive from local communities. Illegal armed groups rely on various sources or "pillars" of support that include the authority or legitimacy granted to them, access to human resources and skills, supplies, and control over sources of knowledge and information. Without these important sources of material and logistical support, I suspect that armed groups would find themselves in a precarious situation and could be forced to negotiate a peace accord with the Colombian government.

New digs in Bogota

On Saturday, I moved out of the Hotel Falcon and into my new apartment. I'll be sharing the apartment with my friend (and classmate) Maggie who is here in Colombia doing an internship with the UN Office on Drugs and Crime.

Located in Northern Bogota, our two-bedroom apartment is just a five-minute walk from my office and blocks from the Parque de la 93. It includes a spacious living room, two baths, a kitchen, hardwood floors, and lots of windows.

The neighborhood surrounding our apartment has numerous businesses, including shops, boutiques, cafes, and bars. This upscale residential area also includes several embassies, consulates, and shopping centers.

Once we had moved into the apartment, Maggie and I headed off to do some grocery shopping at the Carrefour shopping center. This "mega-store" reminded me of IKEA for a couple reasons. First, it has everything you can imagine. Second, you can hardly imagine that so many people can fit under one roof. After our two-hour grocery shopping experience, we decided that we would avoid the Carrefour "mega-crowds" by never again setting foot in the store on the Saturday following payday. This was definitely a valuable lesson learned!