Video: A call for peace and freedom

While the number of kidappings each year in Colombia has greatly declined in the past few years, today at 12 o'clock the country came to a standstill as over a million people flooded the streets to demand an end to the armed conflict and freedom for the men, women, and children that are still being held hostage by the FARC and other illegal armed groups. There are currently more than 3,000 individuals held in captivity, including some for over nine years.

These demonstrations are the largest since October 1999 when an estimated 5 million Colombians joined in a nationwide protest against violence and kidnappings. While these marches are considered smaller than the events of 1999, others point out that Colombia has never experienced such a widespread and inspiring call for peace since they have successfully mobilized the citizens of not only Bogota but of every major city and town of Colombia.

"This march is by the people of Colombia against violence and against indifference," said Fabiola Perdomo, the widow of one of the 11 local politicians killed by the FARC in June. "The armed groups, the government, the rebels, must look for another solution apart from more war."

Here is a video that I put together of today's demonstrations in northern Bogota.

The calls for peace have begun

Today is considered by many to be a historic day for Colombia in its struggle to overcome violence. At noon, millions of Colombians will raise their voices, drivers will honk their horns, and churches will ring their bells in unison to demand peace and the release of individuals currently held hostage by guerrillas and paramilitaries.

Massive demonstrations, parades, and vigils are planned in cities across the country. In Bogotá, citizens will form human chains, clogging Bogota’s main transportation routes. In Cali, the mayor has called on every citizen to don white clothing and to carry white lilies as they head to the streets. In Medellín, the mayor has called on the citizens to their everyday activities and join together in making as much noise as possible, using any means necessary including the banging of pots and pans. On the coast, ocean-liners and cruise ships will sound their horns in opposition of the violence. Vigils are also being held in France, Argentina, Belgium Bolivia, Spain, New York, Canada, Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, Brazil, Jamaica, Venezuela, Nigaragua and Poland.

I share the hope of millions of Colombians that these demonstrations will be peaceful and contribute to the release of the 3,143 individuals currently held hostage in Colombia.

Human chain planned in Bogota

The following announcement is for an event planned in Bogota. Organizers have planned the activity in response to the recent deaths of 11 regional lawmakers who were kidnapped in 2002 and died recently while held in captivity by the FARC.

"On Thursday, July 5 at 12 o’clock noon, Bogota will come to a stop as a symbolic demonstration rejecting the use of kidnappings.

At noon, drivers will honk their horns and churches will ring their bells for five minutes. Everyone – including public and private transportation, government officials, office workers, students, business people, homemakers, pedestrians – will stop our activities. 1,268 people have died in captivity. We cannot remain indifferent: Let us unite against the use of kidnapping and in support of the release of all kidnapping victims and the release of the remains of the 11 former regional deputies.

We plan to gather from 11:00 a.m. in the Plaza de Bolívar. At this time we will also begin joining hands along Seventh Avenue (towards the north) with the goal of making the longest human chain possible. May our hands be united in opposition to the use of kidnapping. The Office of the Mayor of Bogota invites local leaders to head up this effort in his or her area."

In related news, a video released on Tuesday showed seven Colombian soldiers and police officers held hostage by FARC rebels for as long as nine years as they appealed for the government to reach a deal with their guerrilla captors to win their release. It was the first time in over four years that the families received news of the hostages.

Tragedy strikes Colombian lawmakers

Last week while I was putting the finishing touches on a project for work and soccer fans were lamenting Colombia's 5-0 drubbing by Paraguay in the 2007 America's Cup soccer tournament, Colombians were reeling from news that 11 regional lawmakers held hostage since 2002 by the FARC had been killed.

The government accuses the FARC of murdering the deputies, while the FARC claims that they were killed during a botched raid by the military. What is certain is that the deputies were killed under very murky circumstances.

On Saturday, President Uribe responded to a request by France, Spain and Switzerland for an international probe into the killings by accusing them of comparing his administration with its Marxist guerilla enemy. He stated that “the government cannot accept statements from three European delegates that put us on an equal level, that measure the FARC and the government by the same standard.” He added, “We will not accept such disrespect for our democracy as putting the government at the same level as the terrorists of the FARC.”

The President’s fiery speech on Saturday was followed by much more subdued comments on Sunday when Colombian officials announced that they would be investigating whether the 11 lawmakers were killed by stray gunfire during a botched rescue attempt by bounty hunters. The bounty hunters were apparently after the $2.5 million reward offered for each of FARC’s eight leaders. While officials initially dismissed these allegations, they are now considering all possibilities.

Sources: AFP (photo) and AFP, Reuters

"The best Plan Colombia ever"

There's hardly a dull moment when it comes to Colombian politics. First, this week President Uribe has been working to free from prison approximately 150 members of the FARC (see #35), a leftist insurgency determined to overthrow the Colombian government. Second, the U.S. Congress is debating a proposal to alter the way foreign aid is given to Colombia. The goal of this new proposal is to create the best Plan Colombia ever.

What is Plan Colombia?

Since 2000, the United States has provided anti-drug and anti-terrorism support to the government of Colombia through "Plan Colombia" at an expense of over $5 billion. The aid package has primarily consisted of military aid and drug-eradication assistance (80%) in addition to funding for humanitarian assistance (20%). This week, Congress has proposed reducing the percentage of military assistance to approximately 65% and increasing the level of humanitarian aid to 35%. The new Plan Colombia would increase aid for much needed alternative development projects as well as for programs intended to promote democracy, assist communities displaced by the conflict, and help demobilize paramilitaries and guerrillas.

Why the change of heart?

This new stance by Congress appears to be connected to two recent and unsavory revelations: First, a recent White House report suggests that Colombia is not actually winning the "war on drugs." According to a report released by the White House this week, coca production has increased steadily over the past few years despite massive (and expensive) efforts to eradicate the illicit crop used for the production of cocaine. Second, recent reports also suggest that President Uribe and his administration have maintained close ties with the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), an illegal armed group that appears on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations (See #42).

Colombia's "Narco-Bubble"

Over the past year, the Colombian peso (COP) has increased in value more against the U.S. dollar than any other currency in the world. President Uribe argues that Colombia is winning the war on drugs, pointing out that the country has dismantled paramilitaries, weakened guerrillas, and reduced the narco-economy, however economic indicators tell a different story. The growing strength of the COP has seriously hurt the country’s exports and job market. And despite Uribe's claims of winning the drug war, the Financial Times reports that the steady rise in the peso is due to a massive influx of dollars from narco-trafficking.

The "new" Plan Colombia

In my view, the "new" Plan Colombia will directly assist those working to strengthen the Colombian peace process. First, funding for alternative development projects is needed by those whose primary source of income comes from the cultivation of illicit crops. Without these crops, many have no other livelihood options and therefore are resistant to giving up this guaranteed source of income. Second, the new Plan would provide much needed funding support for Colombia’s strained judicial system. The system currently burdened by the task of investigating and prosecuting thousands of demobilized paramilitaries and guerrillas. The funding would permit the hiring of much needed judges, prosecutors, and investigators to prosecute those individuals bearing the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitarian law.

Based on my recent conversations with the prosecutors office, investigators conducting exhumations often are forced to take public transportation (taxis and buses) to the grave locations because they lack vehicles of their own. These are often in isolated areas controlled by paramilitaries or guerrillas where the security situation tends to get "a bit complicated." The fact that investigators must resort to using public transportation exposes them to greater security risks that could be mitigated by having access to their own private vehicles. It appears that the new Plan Colombia will provide much needed financial support for such purchases.

The Children's Peace Movement

In 1995, the mayor of the war-torn municipality of Aguachica, Colombia announced that elections would be held and that residents would be asked to vote for peace or a continuation of the war. Shortly after his announcement, a group of children asked if they too could participate in the election. The mayor accepted and the children participated in the election. And one year later these same children formed a parallel "Children's Government" dedicated to peacemaking. The Children's Government organized “peace carnivals” and invited children from feuding communities to play together because, as they put it, “children having fun was a good way to help peace.”

The kids realized that most Colombians were unaware of how the conflict actually affected children and they knew that nobody could get that message across to the entire nation as effectively as could the children. So, they decided to organize a nationwide election for peace.

On October 25, 1996, children from across Colombia went to the polls to vote for their rights. Polling stations across the country ran out of ballots and in Bogotá the elections had to be extended to meet the overwhelming demand. More than 2.7 million children went to the polls that day and demanded their right to peace, their right to love, and their right to family. Even in the most violent areas of the country, it was estimated that voter turnout was over 90 percent. This historic event forced the issue of peace to the forefront of the forthcoming presidential elections. When Andres Pastrana was declared the presidential winner in 1998, he announced that the children had given him his agenda for the presidency and that if he did nothing else while in office he had to make peace.

“Peace begins with yourself, with the way you treat your family, your friends, your communities, your country – but it does not stop there. Peace that begins in the hearts of children can cover the whole world.” – Mayerly, age 14.

As demonstrated by the Children’s Peace Movement, the power of children is “not just in the eloquence of their words, but in the fact that they are said by children.” Today, the Children´s Peace Movement in Colombia has more than 100,000 members that have been trained in conflict resolution. Some children say that their views have been taken so seriously because of their innocence and sincerity. While adults may be skeptical of news reports and biased media accounts of the war, they tend to believe children when they talk about the devastating effects of violence.

In addition to children's perceived credibility, the warring parties also view children as neutral actors within the conflict. While neutrality does not ensure their protection, it does seem to influence the belligerent parties. On the day of the children’s election, state security forces, paramilitaries, and guerrillas agreed to a temporary cease-fire. And as one 16-year-old election participant pointed out, “if there can be one day of peace, why not a week, a month, a year, 50 years? Why not 50 years of peace to make up for our 50 years of war?”

What do you think? Can children actually make a difference in conflict zones?

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Cameron, Sara. 2000. “The Role of Children as Peace-Makers in Colombia.” Development. Volume 43, Number 1.

Cameron, Sara. 2000. “Voices of Colombian Children on War and Peace.” Development. Volume 43, Number 1.

Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (1996) Informe sobre el “Mandato Nacional de los Nìños por la Paz.” Bogotá.