Venezuela's Chavez pushes for political solution in Colombia

CARACAS, Venezuela - President Hugo Chavez said Sunday he would try to persuade Colombian guerrillas to lay down their weapons if Colombia's U.S.-backed government allows him to meet the rebels' commander.

Chavez also accused Washington of fomenting Colombia's decades-old armed conflict, saying that unceasing warfare provides "the perfect excuse" to maintain a military presence in Colombia, which has received billions of dollars in military aid from the United States.

"I don't agree with the armed struggle, and that's one of the things I want to discuss with (rebel leader Manuel) Marulanda," Chavez said on his weekly TV program. "This problem doesn't have a military solution, and if it doesn't have a military solution, what other solution is left? The political path."

New armed groups in Colombia threaten prospects for peace

For decades, Colombians have been caught in the crossfire between leftist guerillas (FARC, ELN) and right-wing paramilitary organizations. In 2003, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe signed a peace deal with the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the country’s largest paramilitary group, in an effort to initiate a transition from war to peace. Since then, over thirty thousand combatants have demobilized and requested legal, economic, and social benefits under the Justice and Peace Law of 2005 (Ley 975- in Spanish).

In early 2006, the Organization of American States (OAS) Peace Support Mission in Colombia (MAPP/OEA) and civil society organizations warned of a possible rearming of demobilized paramilitary groups and the merging of former paramilitary members with transnational criminal syndicates. Evidence has since emerged that these new armed groups also established relations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN). According to the March 2006 OAS report:

In regions where guerrilla activity is low and the entry of the forces of law and order has not been effective, conditions arise under which various armed illegal groups can assume control. In these areas, the problem arises when middle-level demobilized combatants step into the vacuum. They assume control of the criminal activities that were traditionally the preserve of the units or groups based there (extortion, levies on drug production, social cleansing, alliances with local administrations) and organize themselves into small groups, armed with side arms, remaining in urban areas and communicating by cell phones.

The report also points out:

There is a risk of demobilized sectors of the population being co-opted, and of new combatants being recruited. This phenomenon has emerged primarily in areas with consolidated illegal economies.

On January 11, 2008 Stephanie Hanson of the Council on Foreign Relations published "Colombia’s Right-Wing Paramilitaries and Splinter Groups," providing an insightful assessment of this developing situation. The report is available at the Council on Foreign Relations.

Related information:
In May 2007, the International Crisis Group published a similar report on the emergence of "Colombia's New Armed Groups" which urged the Colombian government to move beyond treating the groups as simple "criminal gangs" but as organizations requiring an urgent and comprehensive response.

For additional information on Colombia's illegal armed groups:
FARC, ELN, AUC Backgrounder (Council on Foreign Relations)

Photo by Jason P. Howe

Hostages reunited with families (Spanish and English)

CNN Video: Watch another video of the hostages' emotional reunion with family (in English).

Video: Rebels hand over high-profile hostages to Red Cross

Hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo González have been released to the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC). Today at approximately 11:47 am. Venuezuelan President Hugo Chávez announced that the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) had released hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo González. He added that he has spoken to them by telephone and that they are in good condition.

So why release these hostages?
While not confirmed, earlier reports speculated that perhaps Rojas and González were part of this current hostage release due to their failing health. The reports emphasized that the FARC wished to release the women in order that they might receive proper medical attention. I believe that this move actually supports my suspicions that the FARC, severely weakened in recent years by numerous military defeats and organizational deterioration, cannot provide adequate care for its ailing hostages while constantly on the lam from increased military pressure that is being applied by the Colombian armed forces.

This is joyful event for the hostages and their families that may offer signs of the conflict becoming unsustainble---especially for the FARC. A third-party mediator must act fast to take advantage of this important accomplishment by creating space for "secret talks" between the parties. Negotiations between the FARC and Colombian government will only end in disappointment if both parties cannot be convinced that the other side is negotiating in good faith. For this reason, the release of Clara Rojas and Consuelo González is an important first step because it shows that, at a minimum, such an operation can be carried out. It also demonstrates that a complex operation involving numerous international delegates and the demilitarization of vast territories (e.g. Florida and Pradera) is not necessarily required to carry out a successful humanitarian exchange. Though I remain cautiously optimistic, I do hope that in the coming months we will hear about the release of additional hostages and the parties engaging in "talks about talks."

Helicopters sent to recover hostages held by FARC

This morning two Venezuelan helicopters were dispatched to San José de Guaviare in southeast Colombia to recover hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo Gonzalez. The hostages will be released somewhere between the communities of San José de Guaviare and El Retorno. Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos also reported that once the hostages have been released the rescue mission would provide time for the rebels to retreat into the mountainous countryside by waiting one hour before taking off and heading to Venezuela.

Colombian government authorizes hostage rescue operation

According to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the coordinates indicating the whereabouts of hostages Clara Rojas (a hostage held by the FARC since 2002 and the mother of three-year-old Emmanuel) and Consuelo Gonzalez. The Colombian government has reportedly agreed to allow the Red Cross to carry out the rescue mission.

This is a crucial moment for these negotiations as any infractions by either party, real or perceived, will most certainly thwart the rescue mission. If the women are recovered and determined to be in good condition, this would signal that the FARC wants to be perceived as a legitimate negotiating partner and possibly that it wishes to pursue a negotiated settlement to the conflict. And while unilateral confidence-building measures like this one are not always reciprocated, they can serve as an important first step in creating the conditions necessary to initiate broader peace negotiations.

Hugo Chavez and his dubious role as hostage negotiator

Last week, the founder and chief of the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) Pedro Antonio Marín, alias Manuel Marulanda and/or Tirofijo, announced a "general offensive" in a New Year message. He encouraged the guerrilla movement to take advantage of the alleged "crisis faced by the government and the tiredness shown by some military units to work on a general offensive," and he urged his subordinate commanders to "launch armed actions in roads, lanes, jungle, urban centers, villages and garrisons, with no truce for the enemy, as they do it."

In related news, the Colombian government announced on Monday that it would no longer authorize international humanitarian missions such as the one that late December arrived in Villavicencio to witness the failed delivery of three hostages held by the left-wing Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) to President Hugo Chávez. Colombian Minister of the Interior and Justice Carlos Holguín Sardi argued that, following the FARC's failure to meet their promise to release three hostages, "you cannot negotiate with cheaters and liars."

The following day, Colombian High Commissioner for Peace Luis Carlos Restrepo softened the Uribe Administration's position when he said that any future efforts by the international community to support the release of the hostages held by the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) should be based on "their reliance on the Colombian government, discrete operations, and efficient communication." This is good news because it serves to clarify the previous position that seemed to rule out any possibility of future mediation efforts led by international parties.

Some hardliners argue that Colombia ought to reject offers by "outsiders" to serve as mediators between the Colombian government and the FARC. Distrustful of his motives, some view Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's ongoing mediation efforts as a veiled interventionist strategy aimed at undermining Colombian sovereignty. Unfortunately, such rigid positions are unwise and may even be counterproductive to the negotiation process.

While Chavez may indeed possess ulterior motives, this might be used to break the current impasse. A strong argument can be made that the FARC finds itself in an untenable position, weakened by numerous military setbacks at the hands of the U.S.-backed Colombian armed forces and increasingly poor internal coordination. This last point became more evident in recent weeks as the group was unable to verify the whereabouts and locate Emmanuel, the three-year-old boy that the FARC had agreed to hand over to Chavez as part of a December hostage release. For more coverage of the proposed hostage release, click here.

And while the FARC might have indeed lied to Chavez about the hostage release or tried to "fool the international community" by offering to hand over a hostage that it did not have, something about this explanation fails to be convincing. Adam Isacson of the Center for International Policy posits that rather than trying to pull off an elaborate ruse, the FARC simply lost track of the boy due to its own incompetence.

This incompetence, combined with the reality that they no longer operate freely as they once did throughout much of the Colombian countryside, demonstrates that the insurgency is engaged in a costly and unsustainable predicament. Then again, the movement has been waging war for over 40 years and seems to possess vast reserves of patience and the capacity to wait out its current vulnerability through pursuing a strategy of playing not to lose rather than playing to win.

Assuming that the FARC does perceive that a military victory cannot be attained, it might choose to pursue an alternative approach in the place of a sustained armed conflict. It is therefore possible that the group will give up its weapons and engage in the political process if it could be convinced that doing so were worthwhile. That is precisely why Hugo Chavez plays such an important and beneficial role as the mediator. In fact, he and his leftist allies in the region might actually be the only parties capable of convincing the FARC to cease their armed struggle and instead seek power and influence through the ballot box. While we are still far from reaching this outcome, I am still hopeful that the parties will find a way to move past the current impasse. We shall see if President Chavez can facilitate this process by brokering a hostage release in the coming days and weeks.

Story of Colombian boy hostage emerges

The Miami Herald

Published on Tuesday, January 8, 2008

By JENNY CAROLINA GONZALEZ

This town of 4,000 deep in Colombia's southern jungle, ironically named The Return, is where the boy now known as Emmanuel began his long journey from a guerrilla hostage to freedom. To Colombian government officials, neighbors and friends, he was a very sick child named Juan David Gómez Tapiero. But DNA tests showed he is almost certainly Emmanuel, born in captivity to a politician kidnapped by FARC guerrillas. His story created worldwide headlines when the FARC offered to release him, his mother, and another hostage to Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. But few people, including FARC leaders, knew at the time that the guerrillas no longer had the boy. A visit by The Miami Herald to this largely jungled region some 310 miles south of the capital city of Bogotá produced the first detailed account of Emmanuel's path from El Retorno to headline-maker, though many questions remain unanswered.

In early June 2005, José Crisanto Gómez, a 37-year-old peasant, arrived here by boat after a one-day trip from his tiny village of La Paz, according to several residents. La Paz was then under the control of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, a leftist guerrilla group better known as FARC. Gómez arrived with two sickly children, seeking medical care for them. One, a boy of about 11 months, had what medical personnel here described as one of the worst health profiles they had seen: malaria, a broken arm, severe malnutrition, anemia, a high fever, diarrhea and leishmaniasis, a serious skin disease common in the jungle.

"It was depressing"
The public clinic here immediately transferred him to the hospital in the provincial capital, San José del Guaviare, only 17 miles but a 40-minute drive away. ''It is not common to receive children in the [bad] health that Juan David arrived,'' said Rosario Neira, director of the San José hospital. "It was depressing, everything that had come together on just one child. It made for sadness. Anyone would have fallen apart before this child, with so many diseases,'' she added. "He didn't raise his eyes. He got toys but did not pick them up. He did not stand but dragged himself on his butt. He cried but no tears came because of the malnutrition.''

Given what is now known about the boy, his poor health is not surprising. Emmanuel was born in a FARC jungle camp to one-time vice presidential candidate Clara Rojas, kidnapped by the rebels along with presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt nearly six years ago during a campaign trip to a rural area. The father was reported to be a rebel who had a consensual relationship with Rojas.

Similar accounts
One El Retorno resident who says José Crisanto Gómez told him the full story in confidence recalled that Gómez had said the boy was left in his care in La Paz by FARC fighters during a battle with Colombian army troops. The rebels promised to return for him in a week. A close friend of Gómez's wife, Liliana, 24, said she also was told that the FARC intended to leave the child for only a few days. The friend, who asked for anonymity because of concerns for her safety, added that the FARC wanted the child's broken arm treated by Liliana's stepfather, a folk healer.

"Just an instrument"
The friend and the El Retorno resident both insist that not until about two weeks ago did Gómez begin to suspect that the boy was the son of Clara Rojas. They also deny rumors that Gómez was a member of 12,000-strong FARC, Latin America's oldest and most powerful guerrilla group. ''He was just an instrument. What blame can he have if the only thing he did was lend a hand? Besides, it is a common practice for the guerrillas to leave their children in the care of other families,'' said one Gómez neighbor, who also asked to remain anonymous because of fear.

"They were very poor"
The boy remained with the Gómez family in La Paz for 30 to 45 days, according to the family friends. But seeing the boy's health worsening -- and one of his own sons ailing -- Gómez decided to make the trip to El Retorno with the two boys. Gómez apparently did not have the FARC's permission for the trip, the El Retorno resident said. And once he was there, the guerrillas threatened him. So the whole family -- Liliana, their six other children and Liliana's stepfather -- fled La Paz and moved to the El Retorno neighborhood of El Quindío, a poor section of dirt streets and houses made of zinc sheeting. ''They were very poor. Sometimes they had nothing to eat. When there were days when it was two in the afternoon and they had had no breakfast, I would give something to the youngest,'' said Liliana's friend. "The grandfather went often to the slaughterhouse to see if he could find some bones."

Desperate, Gómez took the ailing baby to the El Retorno's public clinic on June 15, saying that the boy was the son of a niece, Martha Tapiero, who had died. Emmanuel's health improved at the San José hospital, but the day after his arrival there he was declared a ward of the government's Colombian Institute for Family Welfare. On June 28, 2005 he was stable enough to be transferred to a government facility in Bogotá for treatment of his broken arm, malaria and leishmaniasis, according to Neira, the director of the San José hospital. "We sent him on [to Bogotá] because he required a superior level of care than we could offer here," Neira said.

Asked about a boy
In Bogotá, while recuperating from surgery on his arm, the child was placed with a foster family. But Gómez kept track of the boy through a Family Welfare official in San José, said Jhon Valdéz, who spoke to Gómez in his role as the El Retorno representative of the federal government ombudsman's office. "He knew where the child was and was very interested. The reason he could not go to see him was because he had no money," Valdéz told The Miami Herald. He added that Gómez not only wanted the child back because of the FARC, but because he had grown fond of the boy. Early last year, Gómez, then working in construction, made a failed attempt to win a seat on the El Retorno municipal council, saying he wanted to represent the thousands of peasants forced by the war to flee the countryside for more urban areas.

Threats
The Gómez family suffered another blow last April when Family Welfare officials ruled the boy had been abandoned, jeopardizing Gómez's ability to recover the child. The officials argued that Gómez was too poor to care for the child and had failed to prove that he was related to the boy. Gómez unsuccessfully appealed to Valdéz, the ombudsman. Last June, the FARC began to press him for the child's return. By November, the demands had turned into threats, and Gómez decided to try to get the boy back now claiming that he was the boy's father, Valdéz said. "He never told the FARC that the child was with [Family Welfare]," Valdéz said. "He told me that the boy was his life insurance, and that if he revealed where he was, they would kill him.''

Deadline
Valdéz said that on the afternoon of Dec. 26, after the FARC had given Gómez a Dec. 30 deadline to hand over the child, Gómez went to his office and revealed the whole story in confidence -- still unaware of the boy's true identity. By that time, Chávez had gathered a slew of international observers to supervise the hostages' release and sent several aircraft to the city of Villavicencio, on the edge of Colombia's jungle, to await the promised release of Emmanuel, his mother, and former Congresswoman Consuelo González. Valdéz said he counseled Gómez to turn himself in to authorities. Gómez agreed to but waited until Dec. 29 -- after he had received his monthly salary from his construction job. That afternoon, the family abandoned their house in El Retorno and went to San José. On December 31, Gómez, contacted other authorities who immediately called the police. He repeated his story, and the family is now under the government's witness protection program. The same day, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe announced that his intelligence agencies had received information that Emmanuel was not under FARC control and was likely the same boy under care of a foster mother in Bogotá.

Surprise
In El Retorno, the news that the hostage-boy Emmanuel had in fact lived among them surprised many of the residents. "Never did we imagine that child had been here," said restaurant manager Lorena Amado. "It's a good thing they found him. Maybe now," said Neira, the San José hospital administrator, "he will get all the love that he's been missing."

Colombian negotiations hinge on identity of three-year-old boy

Just when it appears that a group of hostages will finally be released by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the Colombian negotiations suddenly unravel for one reason or another. The most recent episode of stalled negotiations hinge on resolving the mysterious identity of a three-year old boy named Emmanuel.

Clara Rojas was kidnapped by the FARC on February 23, 2002 along with presidential candidate Íngrid Betancourt as the two campaigned in southern Colombia. In April 2006, journalist Jorge Enrique Botero reported that Rojas had given birth to a child named Emmanuel that she had conceived through a consensual relationship with a FARC guerrilla. This story was later confirmed in April 2007 when police officer John Frank Pinchao escaped from the FARC and gave information to authorities regarding the birth of Rojas' son.

On December 18, 2007, the FARC announced that it would release three captives, Clara Rojas, her son Emmanuel, and former congresswoman Consuelo Gonzalez. However, since then numerous doubts have surfaced regarding the identity and whereabouts of Emmanuel. The FARC has also accused the government of intentionally sabotaging efforts to free the hostages by dispatching military personnel to the guerrilla-controlled areas.

After days of delays and accusations, Colombian President Álvaro Uribe announced on December 31 that he suspected that Rojas' son had actually been given to Colombian child welfare agents (ICBF) in June 2005 by a man claiming to be his great-uncle. Since then, the boy has undergone DNA testing to determine whether in fact he is the son of Clara Rojas. The test results are expected to be released on Friday.

NPR broadcasts story on Gustavo Moncayo

Captured by the FARC ten years ago, Gustavo Moncayo's son is among the hostages being offered up by the rebel group in the protracted negotiations between the Colombian government and Marxist insurgency movement. This past Father's Day, Moncayo left his home in southern Colombia and walked over 600 miles to the nation's capital in the hopes that he might persuade the government to work out a deal with the FARC and secure the release of his son.

Opponents of the prisoner exchange argue that negotiating with the FARC will only encourage the insurgents to capture more hostages in the future. Meanwhile, advocates point out that a prisoner exchange could build trust between the parties and facilitate future peace talks.

On August 21, National Public Radio broadcasted a story on Gustavo Moncayo and his inspiring "Walk for Peace."

Marulanda, this is Chávez speaking--I don't know you or where you might be, but I'm waiting for your signal

And with these words directed towards FARC leader Manuel Marulanda, Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez expressed his desire to serve as an impartial "observer and guarantor" of negotiations between the FARC and Colombian government.

Yesterday during a meeting with family members of FARC-held hostages, Chávez spoke convincingly about the hostages' long-awaited release from captivity as something imminent rather than distant. In doing so he reinvigorated the hope of those in attendance for a successful negotiation and a much anticipated "humanitarian accord" between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

"From my heart, I ask [Colombian President] Álvaro Uribe to continue his support of this task. And I also ask that the guerrillas (FARC) give us a response. They will know how [to respond] – through 'other channels' that we have used in the past.”

The Venezuelan leader pointed out that both parties had to be willing to make concessions if they were to achieve the release of hostages. Furthermore, he reiterated his willingness to host the negotiations on Venezuelan territory.

Some argue that Chávez is just the person needed to build a workable trust between the two deeply divided parties. First of all, while his populist views and political rhetoric are not so popular in Washington, they are quite appealing to the FARC, a leftist revolutionary movement. Also, it has been pointed out that Chávez and Uribe seem to have mended their one-time rift and that they have been in "constant contact" over Chavez' possible role as mediator between the FARC and Colombian government.

Analyst Alberto Garrido points out that this recent development reveals a subtle shift in Uribe's hard-line position of refusing to negotiate with the FARC and demonstrates a more nuanced understanding of the need to achieve a negotiated agreement amidst growing national and international pressure.

Amongst those present during yesterday's meeting was Gustavo Moncayo, a humble high school social studies teacher that gained notoriety for his 1200 kilometer "Walk for Peace" across Colombia.

And if the FARC refuses to accept Chavez' offer? Well, then the FARC loses this round and Uribe stashes away yet another victory for the home team--a result that the FARC would absolutely detest. In my opinion, this looks like a very positive step forward in the Colombian peace process.

Photograph courtesy of EFE/El Tiempo

Foreign Minister opposes humanitarian accord

Currently, the FARC wishes to hand over 45 politicians, soldiers, police officers, and U.S. government contractors in exchange for 500 imprisoned guerrillas. To accomplish this exchange of prisoners, the FARC also insists upon the complete withdrawal of government armed forces from two municipalities in the Valle del Cauca region. The Colombian government vehemently rejects this demand recalling the failure of previous efforts to create a demilitarized “meeting zone” that resulted in vast territories being taken over and controlled by guerrillas.

Today, Foreign Minister Fernando Araújo announced that he opposes negotiating a humanitarian accord with the FARC because doing so would be equivalent to giving in to the guerrillas. “I do not support it. The overall interests of the government are more important than those of individuals. The only way to be victorious over the use of kidnapping is to demand that the guerrillas free the hostages without any strings attached.”

Prior to assuming the position of Foreign Minister, Araújo had been held as a prisoner of the FARC for six years. Throughout that period, he claims that he was never in favor of a humanitarian accord and that he has the notes written in his diary to prove it.

The FARC held Araújo captive from 2000 until December 31, 2006 when he was finally able to escape from his captors. And this past March he was assigned the post of Foreign Minister.

Included among the captives held by the FARC and considered part of the controversial humanitarian accord are three U.S. citizens, Marc Gonsalves, Thomas Howes, and Keith Stansell. In 2003, these three men were allegedly conducting drug surveillance in Colombia for the U.S. Department of Defense when their single-engine plane crashed in a remote, mountainous region of southern Colombia.

Photograph courtesy of El Universal / El País

FARC says Uribe’s proposals for prisoner exchange is just another "smoke screen”

Some argue that Gustavo Moncayo's 1200 kilometer "walk for peace" was a massive waste of time and energy. Cynics assert that neither the goverment or the FARC gives a hoot about what this humble high school social studies teacher has to say about negotiating peace in Colombia. On the other hand, supporters point out that Moncayo has broken the silence over the suffering of victims of kidnappings and their families and that he has renewed the hope of millions for a prisioner swap and eventual peace accord. Only time will tell whether his "walk for peace" will produce the desired release of his son, however one thing is certain -- his campaign has breathed new life into the previously stalled chess match (and war of words) between the FARC and President Uribe.

Last week, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe announced that if the FARC were to release all their hostages then the [Colombian] government would be willing to create a demilitarized zone to host peace talks between the FARC and government negotiators.

Today in response to Uribe's proposal, FARC spokesperson Luis Edgar Devia (a.k.a. Raúl Reyes) rejected the announcement by saying that it was just another “smoke screen” and that any prisoner exchange was “independent of an eventual peace process.” Instead, he suggested that “agreeing to a prisoner exchange would open the doors to discussions intended to seek political solutions to the Colombian crisis.”

Uribe also announced last week that if the FARC were to release hostages, he would free more FARC guerrillas from prison in addition to the nearly 200 left-wing guerrillas that were released in June. However, he insisted that the fate of Anayibe Rojas Valerrama (a.k.a. “Sonia”) and Ricardo Ovidio Palmera (a.k.a. Simón Trinidad”) was completely out of his control since these individual were recently extradited to the United States and convicted of narcotrafficking.

Nevertheless, Reyes fired back by saying that any prisoner exchange had to include Simón Trinidad and Sonia and that a demilitarized “meeting zone” would be a good first step in getting the parties’ negotiators to meet and discuss a potential prisoner swap and eventual peace accord.

Colombia's Uribe makes new offer on hostage plight

By Patrick Markey

BOGOTA, August 2 (Reuters) - Colombia's President Alvaro Uribe offered guerrillas on Thursday a safe haven for peace talks if they free hostages, in the latest long-shot bid to break the deadlock over kidnap victims held for years in rebel camps.

Talks between hard-liner Uribe and Latin America's oldest left-wing insurgency are stalled over a rebel demand he allow a demilitarized zone before any talks to free hostages, who include a French-Colombian politician and three Americans.

The offer came after Uribe met with a Colombian teacher (Moncayo) who sparked a surge in sympathy for hostages by trekking across the country to protest over the plight of his soldier son kidnapped by the country's largest rebel group, the FARC, a decade ago.

"If the FARC frees kidnap victims with the help of the international community, then the government will accept a zone for talks for 90 days on reaching peace," Uribe said at a public event where he received cheers and heckles.

Gustavo Moncayo arrives to Bogota

Last night, I unpacked my suitcases and decided to take a walk around my new neighborhood. After making a quick stop at a nearby corner store, I headed down to the Plaza de Bolívar where the Colombian Congress and Presidential Palace are located. I had heard that Gustavo Moncayo (see previous post) had finally arrived to the plaza earlier in the day and that he was planning on "camping out" there until the government agreed to negotiate the release of his son held captive by the FARC.

Click here for more coverage from El Tiempo (click on the photo -- links include video, audio, audiovisual gallery, and a map of Moncayo's cross-country trek).

In the Plaza de Bolívar I met several interesting people. I had the opportunity to talk with a bright young man named Juan Carlos who had joined Gustavo Moncayo's "walk for peace" in honor of his sister, Mary Luz Lopez, who was "disappeared" in 2002. He told me about how she had traveled to Barranquilla in northern Colombia and there she was abducted by several unknown individuals. We discussed the "walk for peace" and how it gave renewed hope to millions of Colombians for an end to the conflict. We exchanged thoughts on the current peace process and how the "walk for peace" might potentially contribute to achieving a negotiated humanitarian exchange and the release of hostages.

As we ended our conversation, Juan Carlos gave me his phone number and encouraged me to speak with his mother if I was interested in learning more about abductions and the struggles of Colombians affected by the 40-year old conflict.

Photo from "Camino de la Paz"

Video: A call for peace and freedom

While the number of kidappings each year in Colombia has greatly declined in the past few years, today at 12 o'clock the country came to a standstill as over a million people flooded the streets to demand an end to the armed conflict and freedom for the men, women, and children that are still being held hostage by the FARC and other illegal armed groups. There are currently more than 3,000 individuals held in captivity, including some for over nine years.

These demonstrations are the largest since October 1999 when an estimated 5 million Colombians joined in a nationwide protest against violence and kidnappings. While these marches are considered smaller than the events of 1999, others point out that Colombia has never experienced such a widespread and inspiring call for peace since they have successfully mobilized the citizens of not only Bogota but of every major city and town of Colombia.

"This march is by the people of Colombia against violence and against indifference," said Fabiola Perdomo, the widow of one of the 11 local politicians killed by the FARC in June. "The armed groups, the government, the rebels, must look for another solution apart from more war."

Here is a video that I put together of today's demonstrations in northern Bogota.

Tragedy strikes Colombian lawmakers

Last week while I was putting the finishing touches on a project for work and soccer fans were lamenting Colombia's 5-0 drubbing by Paraguay in the 2007 America's Cup soccer tournament, Colombians were reeling from news that 11 regional lawmakers held hostage since 2002 by the FARC had been killed.

The government accuses the FARC of murdering the deputies, while the FARC claims that they were killed during a botched raid by the military. What is certain is that the deputies were killed under very murky circumstances.

On Saturday, President Uribe responded to a request by France, Spain and Switzerland for an international probe into the killings by accusing them of comparing his administration with its Marxist guerilla enemy. He stated that “the government cannot accept statements from three European delegates that put us on an equal level, that measure the FARC and the government by the same standard.” He added, “We will not accept such disrespect for our democracy as putting the government at the same level as the terrorists of the FARC.”

The President’s fiery speech on Saturday was followed by much more subdued comments on Sunday when Colombian officials announced that they would be investigating whether the 11 lawmakers were killed by stray gunfire during a botched rescue attempt by bounty hunters. The bounty hunters were apparently after the $2.5 million reward offered for each of FARC’s eight leaders. While officials initially dismissed these allegations, they are now considering all possibilities.

Sources: AFP (photo) and AFP, Reuters

In the Eyes of the FARC

If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.

-Sun Tzu, The Art of War

In order to understand the ongoing conflict in Colombia, we need to understand the complex and often enigmatic views of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). And by improving their understanding of the FARC, government negotiators might be better able to achieve a negotiated prisoner swap.

Published in the Semana weekly magazine on June 10, the article entitled "In the Eyes of the FARC" (Spanish/English) offers a thoughtful reflection on some of the motivations behind this powerful movement. (Many thanks to Adam Isacson at the Center for International Policy for making this article available in English.)

The Importance of Understanding the Five "Core Concerns"

Whether we are negotiating a hostage exchange or simply deciding where to go for dinner, emotions can play an important role during negotiations. Fischer and Shapiro would recommend that Colombian negotiators study the FARC and strive to address their five "Core Concerns." The "Core Concerns" provide a way for us to understand the basic "human wants that are important to almost everyone in virtually every negotiation." And by focusing on these wants, negotiators can be more effective. The "Core Concerns" are appreciation, affiliation, autonomy, status, and role.

Appreciation is the desire we all have to feel understood and honestly valued. Mutual appreciation can increase the level of cooperation during negotiations.

Affiliation describes the sense of connectedness with another group or person. By recognizing the commonality between groups, negotiators can bridge the gap between the parties and enhance their ability to work together.

Autonomy refers to the "freedom to affect or make decisions without the imposition of other." Promoting autonomy is essential and requires that we also guard against impinging upon or interfering with the autonomy of others. When we impinge upon the autonomy of the other, we essentially take away their ability to make decisions independently.

Status refers to our perceived standing in comparison to the standing of others. Positive emotions can be fostered when our own status contributes to rather than detracts from our self-esteem. On the other hand, negative emotions can be generated through competition for status. Fischer and Shapiro point out that people tend to cooperate when there are more positive than negative emotions during negotiations.

Role describes the process of choosing a fulfilling role in the negotiation that satisfies your needs and standards of appreciation, affiliation, autonomy, and status.

This past week, President Uribe released dozens of FARC guerrillas from prison in an effort to stimulate the release of hostages held by the guerrilla movement. However, FARC leaders have vehemently rejected all offers of a unilateral government prisoner release, saying they would only negotiate a prisoner-for-hostage swap if the government created a demilitarized zone in two southwestern Colombian towns. In an interview with the so-called FARC "Chancellor," Raúl Reyes stated that the president's unilateral decision was viewed positively, "just as long as it is done without any conditions, any pressure, or any tricks." This sounds a lot like the FARC leadership is trying very hard to assert their autonomy, doesn't it?

To learn more about the "Core Concerns", you might pick up a copy of Beyond Reason: Using Emotions As You Negotiate by Roger Fischer and Daniel Shapiro. Or, you might like to check out this concise summary written by Hollie Hendrikson.

The Children's Peace Movement

In 1995, the mayor of the war-torn municipality of Aguachica, Colombia announced that elections would be held and that residents would be asked to vote for peace or a continuation of the war. Shortly after his announcement, a group of children asked if they too could participate in the election. The mayor accepted and the children participated in the election. And one year later these same children formed a parallel "Children's Government" dedicated to peacemaking. The Children's Government organized “peace carnivals” and invited children from feuding communities to play together because, as they put it, “children having fun was a good way to help peace.”

The kids realized that most Colombians were unaware of how the conflict actually affected children and they knew that nobody could get that message across to the entire nation as effectively as could the children. So, they decided to organize a nationwide election for peace.

On October 25, 1996, children from across Colombia went to the polls to vote for their rights. Polling stations across the country ran out of ballots and in Bogotá the elections had to be extended to meet the overwhelming demand. More than 2.7 million children went to the polls that day and demanded their right to peace, their right to love, and their right to family. Even in the most violent areas of the country, it was estimated that voter turnout was over 90 percent. This historic event forced the issue of peace to the forefront of the forthcoming presidential elections. When Andres Pastrana was declared the presidential winner in 1998, he announced that the children had given him his agenda for the presidency and that if he did nothing else while in office he had to make peace.

“Peace begins with yourself, with the way you treat your family, your friends, your communities, your country – but it does not stop there. Peace that begins in the hearts of children can cover the whole world.” – Mayerly, age 14.

As demonstrated by the Children’s Peace Movement, the power of children is “not just in the eloquence of their words, but in the fact that they are said by children.” Today, the Children´s Peace Movement in Colombia has more than 100,000 members that have been trained in conflict resolution. Some children say that their views have been taken so seriously because of their innocence and sincerity. While adults may be skeptical of news reports and biased media accounts of the war, they tend to believe children when they talk about the devastating effects of violence.

In addition to children's perceived credibility, the warring parties also view children as neutral actors within the conflict. While neutrality does not ensure their protection, it does seem to influence the belligerent parties. On the day of the children’s election, state security forces, paramilitaries, and guerrillas agreed to a temporary cease-fire. And as one 16-year-old election participant pointed out, “if there can be one day of peace, why not a week, a month, a year, 50 years? Why not 50 years of peace to make up for our 50 years of war?”

What do you think? Can children actually make a difference in conflict zones?

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Cameron, Sara. 2000. “The Role of Children as Peace-Makers in Colombia.” Development. Volume 43, Number 1.

Cameron, Sara. 2000. “Voices of Colombian Children on War and Peace.” Development. Volume 43, Number 1.

Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil (1996) Informe sobre el “Mandato Nacional de los Nìños por la Paz.” Bogotá.