Thursday, January 17

Europe's cocaine boom gives rise to new laundering schemes

The Wall Street Journal published an excellent article this week on the rise in cocaine smuggling to Europe and the role of the strong euro in fueling another lucrative illicit enterprise: euro laundering.

The article raises several interesting and important issues related to the global trade in cocaine:

  • Due to the strength of the euro and increased demand for cocaine in Spain and Italy, Europe has become a more lucrative market for narcotraffickers;
  • Consumption of cocaine has soared in Western Europe, much of which is smuggled through West Africa where governments struggle to combat poverty, weak law enforcement, and widespread corruption;
  • Spain has become an important center for narcotraffickers intent on disguising the origins of currency gained through illicit activities;
  • Consumption of cocaine is on the rise in Spain where today 3% of the population uses the drug, compared with 2.3% in the US; this, combined with reports that a kilo of cocaine in Spain now fetches upwards of $43,000 as compared to $12,000-26,000 in the US, gives the Spanish market the potential to rival, perhaps even surpass, the potency of the US market;
  • Spain is an important entry-point for cocaine due to its long shoreline, its proximity to Africa and its shared language with Colombian and other South American traffickers;
  • Cocaine bound for Europe first is shipped first to West Africa where it is then sent over land or by water into Europe through Spain. Then the ill-gotten gains (euros) are flown back to South America and laundered through casas de cambio or money exchange businesses. That cash is then exchanged (laundered) by sending the euros to the United States where they are exchanged for other forms of currency as part of a seemingly legitimate business transaction.
To learn more about this laundering process, check out the article "Cocaine Boom in Europe Fuels New Laundering Tactics" by Mark Schoofs and Paulo Prada.

Wednesday, January 16

Poverty in Ayacucho--The legacy of Peru's armed conflict

Ayacucho is the birthplace of Peru's Maoist rebel movement known as Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path). Between 1980 and 2000, violent clashes between the Shining Path and government counter-insurgency forces claimed approximately 70,000 lives. Today, Ayacucho remains one of Peru's poorest regions.

In 2003, I traveled to Ayacucho to work with indigenous communities affected by the conflict through the local non-governmental organization Paz y Esperanza. This work gave me an opportunity to observe and experience many of the ways in which the conflict devastated the region and relegated thousands of families to extreme poverty.

Mike Wooldridge of the BBC recently traveled to Ayacucho and spoke to impoverished community members. In this broadcast, he first asks about the socio-economic impact of the conflict and the challenges of raising a family on a dollar a day. He then learns about Peru's social programs that aim to alleviate poverty and the effects of Ayacucho's violent past.

BBC Documentaries --"A Dollar A Day"

Part One: Listen to the program (23:00)
Poverty was a key issue in the recent elections in Kenya and the unrest that followed.

Part Two: Listen to the program (23:00)
In Peru, women get one dollar a day for vaccinating and sending their children to school .

Part Three: Listen to the program (23:00)
In India, more people are surviving into their old age, and many live in deep poverty.

Tuesday, January 15

International law makes using child soldiers a war crime

It is estimated that at least 1 in every 10 soldiers in the world’s armed conflicts is a child. These young soldiers include not only those who carry weapons, but also children in supportive roles, including cooks, spies, couriers, guards or sex slaves.

In Latin America, Colombia is the country with the most child soldiers. Although it is difficult to determine the actual number of child soldiers in Colombia, experts estimate there to be between 8,000 and 13,000. It is also believed that at least one in four combatants is under 18 years old and that minors comprise up to 30% of certain combat units.

Colombia's left-wing guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries use thousands of child soldiers despite international regulations prohibiting the practice. For instance, Article 38 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1989, prohibits the recruitment of children younger than 15. The Convention’s Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict (2001) allows for governments to recruit children aged between 15 and 18 under certain conditions, however it prohibits the practice for all other armed groups. Likewise, Article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court makes it a war crime to conscript or enlist children under the age of fifteen years into the national armed forces or using them to participate actively in hostilities.

Here's short video that profiles Madeleine, a former child soldier from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) who was interviewed by Al-Jazeera TV earlier this year. I decided to post this clip since it raises another important issue affecting child soldiers, the exploitation of girls in armed conflict.



Additional resources:

Cocaine seizures drop as traffickers 'shift to semi-submersibles'

US officials say drug traffickers have shifted to semi-submersible craft and other smaller, harder-to-detect boats to elude surveillance, causing a sharp drop in cocaine seizures last year. Officials say seizures of cocaine flowing north out of South America plummeted from 257 metric tons in 2006 to 208 metric tons last year, the second year in a row they have fallen.

Traffickers’ success attributed to their adaptability
Officials who briefed reporters on condition of anonymity acknowledged that they were slow to pick up on the latest change in tactics by drug traffickers. They say their success in tracking and stopping high powered speed boats laden with cocaine forced drug traffickers to find new ways of slipping through the net of radars and air and naval patrols use to catch them. Authorities recognize that traffickers now send out more, less powerful boats with smaller loads of cocaine that blend in with other vessels. They also say that the use of semi-submersible boats is on the rise. "They are very hard to detect," said one official, who added that US authorities intercepted its first semi-submersible in November 2006. Others attribute the decrease in cocaine seizures to the hefty bribes being paid to officials to ensure the safe passage of cocaine shipments.

As supply increases, prices decline
The Belfast Telegraph published a story today about the arrival of cheap, heavily adulterated cocaine in Northern Ireland. The weak U.S. dollar has increased the volume of cocaine shipments from South America to Europe and the drug's declining street value has raised fears that more and more young people will be lured into cocaine use. Northern Ireland has been chosen as a desirable destination for cocaine distribution given the prevalence organized crime syndicates--a result which I suspect is mostly attributed to the unsuccessful demilitarization and reintegration of the IRA and other ex-combatants.

Monday, January 14

FARC kidnaps six tourists, says Colombian navy

The FARC, the same leftist rebel group that released two long-held hostages three days ago, has kidnapped six tourists at a remote beach on Colombia's Pacific coast, a spokeswoman for the Colombian navy said Monday. A group of 10 men from FARC's 57th Front abducted the tourists in Nuquí (Chocó) on the Gulf of Tribugá. Among the kidnapping victims are two professors of the prestigious Los Andes University in Bogotá.

Additional coverage:

Venezuela's Chavez pushes for political solution in Colombia

CARACAS, Venezuela - President Hugo Chavez said Sunday he would try to persuade Colombian guerrillas to lay down their weapons if Colombia's U.S.-backed government allows him to meet the rebels' commander.

Chavez also accused Washington of fomenting Colombia's decades-old armed conflict, saying that unceasing warfare provides "the perfect excuse" to maintain a military presence in Colombia, which has received billions of dollars in military aid from the United States.

"I don't agree with the armed struggle, and that's one of the things I want to discuss with (rebel leader Manuel) Marulanda," Chavez said on his weekly TV program. "This problem doesn't have a military solution, and if it doesn't have a military solution, what other solution is left? The political path."

Sunday, January 13

A "dizzying array" of trafficking victims from Eastern Europe

Woman helps to unravel Toronto trafficking in persons ring
By Jeffrey Todd


Update:
A second victim has come forward with information about an alleged international human trafficking ring busted last weekend in Toronto, leading to the arrest of a fourth suspect.

Second victim comes forward in Toronto trafficking ring

Investigators believe the people arrested - three men and three women - were ringleaders involved in luring eastern European women to Canada on false promises of a modeling career and then imprisoning them as sex slaves.

Original post:
The Toronto Star reports that on Thursday afternoon, a woman from Eastern Europe stumbled into a Toronto police station saying that she was a sex slave. The next day, police raided several addresses and arrested six suspects. Three of them now face a slew of charges in what is believed to be an international human trafficking ring involving a dizzying array of victims, suspects and countries.

The victim told police that she responded to an advertisement on the Internet that offered her work as a model in Canada. But when she arrived she was thrown into prostitution. The victims were bought into the country using fake passports, police said. Once they arrived, the victims were forcibly confined and made to work as escorts for the "ringleaders" of the operation.

In November 2007, eight people were arrested, four of whom were from Ontario, for engaging in human trafficking across the U.S. border.

In related news:
Sex trafficking: 'I was sold for £4,500'

By Diane Taylor

The Independent (UK) reports that when Lena Suriane got off the bus that had brought her from her home town of Kaunas in Lithuania to London's Victoria in the winter of 2004, it was not long before she realised she'd been sold to an Albanian pimp. Suriane, 29, who had been living with her mother and two young children in abject poverty, was one day approached by a friendly woman who sympathised with her about the lack of jobs and said she knew of some well-paid work in London. "She hinted that the work was in prostitution. I had tried so hard to find other jobs and my plan was to do it for a while then come back to Lithuania and set up a business or something like that."

She was taken to a house in north London with three other women, each of whom had also been trafficked. "Do you know," said one, another Lithuanian, "that you've just been sold for £4,500?"

The day after her arrival, Suriane was set to work on a daily 12-hour shift, from 11am until 11pm. "On average I had sex with 15 men a day," she says. On one particularly busy day, that number rose to 37. Charges started at £20 for 10 minutes, rising to £140 an hour. The takings were huge but Suriane received just £10 a day.

According to Andrejus Pavlovas, a senior police inspector working in the field of organised crime in Lithuania, most of the women who are trafficked from his country know they will be working in prostitution. What they don't know is that they are likely be held captive, treated badly and not allowed to keep their earnings. "Each trafficking gang has its own style," he says. "Some use psychological violence, some use physical violence – often the two go hand-in-hand."

Drug seizures raise questions about drug trafficking trends

In his book Illicit (2005), Moises Naím argued that migrant smuggling and trafficking in persons was linked to the global drug trade and other well-organized transnational criminal networks. By exploiting the world's vast reserves of potential migrants, drug traffickers align with migrant smugglers and force their "clients" to carry small, valuable packages of narcotics. This flexible approach allows traffickers to move large quantities of goods without all the risk of losing them to anti-drug law enforcement efforts. By using this approach, several "small packages" quickly become a large shipment, and when the cargo is cocaine or heroine its resale value is infinitely greater than the fees paid to the laborers that carried the packages.

Listen to Moises Naím discuss his book Illicit on National Public Radio.

Given the recent large-scale seizures of cocaine in Spain, United States, Ireland, Peru, Colombia and elsewhere, could it be that traffickers are shifting away from sending the "small packages" Naím describes and towards the shipment of much larger cargos? Or are they simply willing to accept the obvious risks associated with this approach? If so, does this also mean that they possess vast reserves of "inventory" and are therefore willing to gamble with a few tons of cocaine here and there? This question comes to mind given the recent large drug busts. For instance:

  • Peruvian police reported Sunday that they have confiscated 193 kg of cocaine in an anti-drug operation in the southern province of Ica. The cocaine packed in 180 small bags, worth over $1 million, was found on an empty bus on Friday. The driver was arrested on the spot, said the police.
  • Dublin police report that cocaine worth an estimated 1.5 million euro has been seized by police.The raid was part of a series of investigations under Operation Thaw tackling distribution and supply of drugs in Coolock and Darndale. Searches at premises in Grove Lane, Coolock, took place. A gun magazine and ammunition, equipment for mixing cocaine, including a weighing scale and a substantial quantity of mixing agent, were also recovered.
  • U.S. Border Patrol agents seized more than 400 pounds of cocaine from a pickup truck on the banks of the Rio Grande. Agency officials estimate the street value of the drugs at more than $15 million, according to a news release from the U.S. Border Patrol. Authorities searched the truck and found the bulk of cocaine. No arrests were made in connection with the seizure. The seizure marks one of several made in recent months. From Oct. 1, 2007 to New Year’s Eve, agents in the Rio Grande Valley Sector seized 1,473.75 pounds of cocaine, which has an estimated street value of more than $47 million, agency officials said.
  • In early January, Colombian cocaine smugglers scuttled a U.S.-bound homemade submarine off the country's Pacific coast. It was the second time in a month that Colombian forces stopped an underwater craft which was then sunk by its crew members to destroy their incriminating cargo. In both cases, the smugglers quickly opened the hatches to sink the vessels before they could be boarded by authorities. Both submarines had the capacity to ship 10 to 12 tons of cocaine to the United States.
  • In December, a South African court jailed two British men for 30 years for trafficking in cocaine and cannabis worth some 23 million US dollars, the SAPA news agency reported. The men had tried to have the drugs shipped from the nearby eastern city of Durban to Britain, the report said. The 150 kilograms of cocaine worth $21.3 million US dollars was intercepted in a container near Durban while the 8.1 tonne haul of cannabis, worth $1.6 million US was seized by the authorities in Britain at the port of Felixstowe.
Photo by Doomsday

Saturday, January 12

Spanish police nab sailboat and cocaine cargo

Spanish police have seized 600 kilos (1,320 pounds) of cocaine on a sailboat in the Atlantic bound for Spain in a drugs operation that netted seven suspects, including three Europeans, police said Saturday.

The cocaine had been transferred to the British-registered sailboat off the coast of the island of Antigua in the Antilles, a police statement said.

Police, who had been following the sailboat since last month, intercepted it between the Portuguese islands of the Azores and Madeira and found on board 600 packets each containing a kilo of cocaine.

Three European crew members from France, Italy and Spain were arrested in the operation. Four others from Colombia, Venezuela and the Dominican Republic, picked up by police in Madrid, are suspected of being responsible for the drugs network, police said.

Anti-narcotics officials believe Portugal and Spain have become the main points of entry into Europe for cocaine coming from Latin America.

In related news, a man claiming to be a Catholic priest was arrested Friday at Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport after he was caught carrying 3.5 kilograms of cocaine under his robes, a spokesman for Dutch border police said.

Peru's Fujimori stands trial for human rights abuses

Business man Samuel Dyer testified on Friday during the trial of former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori saying that he saw the president walk through the army base where he was being held captive. Fujimori is on trial facing charges of authorizing two death squads and ordering kidnappings of the businessman and a prominent journalist.

The Associated Press reports that Fujimori told the court that if there were abuses during his government, they were isolated acts and not his responsibility. He said he did not direct anti-insurgent operations, which were carried out by armed forces chiefs. Prosecutors are seeking to establish Fujimori's ties to military commanders.

"President, I've been kidnapped. Help me," Dyer said he shouted to Fujimori.

Dyer said Col. Alberto Pinto, then head of the army intelligence service, told him he was being held after officials received an anonymous phone call accusing Dyer of having connections to Marxist Shining Path rebels.

Related news:

New armed groups in Colombia threaten prospects for peace

For decades, Colombians have been caught in the crossfire between leftist guerillas (FARC, ELN) and right-wing paramilitary organizations. In 2003, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe signed a peace deal with the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the country’s largest paramilitary group, in an effort to initiate a transition from war to peace. Since then, over thirty thousand combatants have demobilized and requested legal, economic, and social benefits under the Justice and Peace Law of 2005 (Ley 975- in Spanish).

In early 2006, the Organization of American States (OAS) Peace Support Mission in Colombia (MAPP/OEA) and civil society organizations warned of a possible rearming of demobilized paramilitary groups and the merging of former paramilitary members with transnational criminal syndicates. Evidence has since emerged that these new armed groups also established relations with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN). According to the March 2006 OAS report:

In regions where guerrilla activity is low and the entry of the forces of law and order has not been effective, conditions arise under which various armed illegal groups can assume control. In these areas, the problem arises when middle-level demobilized combatants step into the vacuum. They assume control of the criminal activities that were traditionally the preserve of the units or groups based there (extortion, levies on drug production, social cleansing, alliances with local administrations) and organize themselves into small groups, armed with side arms, remaining in urban areas and communicating by cell phones.

The report also points out:
There is a risk of demobilized sectors of the population being co-opted, and of new combatants being recruited. This phenomenon has emerged primarily in areas with consolidated illegal economies.

On January 11, 2008 Stephanie Hanson of the Council on Foreign Relations published "Colombia’s Right-Wing Paramilitaries and Splinter Groups," providing an insightful assessment of this developing situation. The report is available at the Council on Foreign Relations.

Related information:
In May 2007, the International Crisis Group published a similar report on the emergence of "Colombia's New Armed Groups" which urged the Colombian government to move beyond treating the groups as simple "criminal gangs" but as organizations requiring an urgent and comprehensive response.

For additional information on Colombia's illegal armed groups:
FARC, ELN, AUC Backgrounder (Council on Foreign Relations)

Photo by Jason P. Howe

Friday, January 11

National Human Trafficking Awareness Day

Today marks the first annual Human Trafficking Awareness day in the United States. This day intends to raise awareness and vigilance for the millions of victims of trafficking in persons across the globe.

Human trafficking happens all over the world. In the U.S., the Justice Department estimates at least 17,000 people are brought here each year and forced to work in slave-like conditions. Other groups say the number is higher. While estimating the number of victims to trafficking is very difficult, however it is considered to be the fastest-growing criminal industry in the world, projected to be worth about $32 billion.

For coverage of National Human Trafficking Awareness Day, visit National Public Radio.

Also on National Public Radio:

Trafficking in persons, also known as human trafficking, is considered to be a form of modern-day slavery. It is regarded to the second largest criminal industry in the world, after arms and drug dealing. Traffickers generate billions of dollars in profits every year while victimizing millions of people around the globe.

Trafficked persons are forced or coerced into labor or sexual exploitation. Under international law, all children who are commercially sexually exploited are considered trafficking victims, even if no force or coercion is used. Sex trafficking is one of the most lucrative sectors of the trade in people, and involves sexual exploitation in prostitution or pornography, bride trafficking, and commercial sexual abuse of children. Labor trafficking is widespread not only in situations of domestic servitude and small-scale labor operations, but also in sweatshops and farms that are subcontracted to major multinational corporations.

The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reports that traffickers often lure their victims to the United States with promises of an arranged marriage, financial security or a job opportunity. Once in the clutches of traffickers, victims are often kept from running away by threats that escaping would bring harm to their families.

Related news:
For more information on trafficking in persons, visit Polaris Project.

Thursday, January 10

Hostages reunited with families (Spanish and English)



CNN Video:
Watch another video of the hostages' emotional reunion with family (in English).

Hostages arrive to Venezuela healthy and happy

After living for over six years as hostages of the FARC, helicopters carrying the two overjoyed women Clara Rojas and Consuelo González arrived to Santo Domingo airport in Táchira, Venezuela. The freed hostages were spotted by members of the press and are said to appear to be somewhat thinner but in good health.

Just minutes ago, González spoke with President Hugo Chávez, urging him to continue his efforts to free the hostages that remain in captivity. "You can't let your guard down," she said. "Those who remain would say that. We have to keep on working."

For live coverage (in Spanish) of this news story, visit Caracol Radio and click on "Echúchenos en vivo."

CNN Reports ---Helicopters carrying two freed Colombian hostages touched down in Venezuela on Thursday. Consuelo Gonzalez, a Colombian politician who has been in custody for more than 6½ years, and Clara Rojas, an aide to fellow hostage and former Colombian presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt. The rebels have not agreed to release Betancourt. The two women were freed by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, known by their Spanish acronym FARC, in a deal brokered by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. After landing in the Venezuelan border town of Santo Domingo, they strode about 100 yards across the airport tarmac to a waiting jet, which took off a few minutes later for Caracas. Both women thanked Chavez in telephone conversations videotaped by the rescuers. "You're helping us, president, return to life, thank you, Mr. President," said Rojas.

Doctors had been standing but it did not appear that they were needed. "They appear well," said Terry Robins, a Red Cross representative who accompanied them on the trip. "They were smiling in the helicopter." Chavez announced the release at a news conference while the Red Cross helicopters were en route to a jungle location pickup point in Colombia. Yves Heller , a spokesman for the International Committee of the Red Cross, "I believe that it is a great day for these people. We are going to continue working for the victims of this conflict."

The FARC is a leftist insurgent force that has sought to overthrow the Colombian government since the late 1960s. It holds about 700 hostages in the jungles of Colombia. Last year, the group struck a deal with Chavez to release three of them -- Gonzalez, Rojas and Emanuel, Rojas' 3-year-old son by one of the rebels. FARC blamed a New Year's Eve collapse of the deal on Colombian military activity, but the Colombian government said that the rebels called off the deal because they didn't have Emanuel in custody -- the boy had been in foster care in Bogota for two years.

FARC has justified hostage-taking as a legitimate military tactic in a long-running and complex civil war that also has involved right-wing paramilitary units, government forces and drug traffickers. The group's captives include three U.S. contractors who were captured when their plane went down in 2003 during a drug-eradication flight.

Betancourt, a one-time French-Colombian independent presidential candidate, and Rojas were kidnapped in February 2002 after venturing into rebel-held territory. Juan Manuel Santos, Colombia's defense minister, told reporters he hoped that Thursday's operation turns out to be the first of many. "I hope that they continue liberating the hostages that they still have," he said. "This is only two of the 700 they have."

Video: Rebels hand over high-profile hostages to Red Cross



Hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo González have been released to the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC). Today at approximately 11:47 am. Venuezuelan President Hugo Chávez announced that the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) had released hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo González. He added that he has spoken to them by telephone and that they are in good condition.

So why release these hostages?
While not confirmed, earlier reports speculated that perhaps Rojas and González were part of this current hostage release due to their failing health. The reports emphasized that the FARC wished to release the women in order that they might receive proper medical attention. I believe that this move actually supports my suspicions that the FARC, severely weakened in recent years by numerous military defeats and organizational deterioration, cannot provide adequate care for its ailing hostages while constantly on the lam from increased military pressure that is being applied by the Colombian armed forces.

This is joyful event for the hostages and their families that may offer signs of the conflict becoming unsustainble---especially for the FARC. A third-party mediator must act fast to take advantage of this important accomplishment by creating space for "secret talks" between the parties. Negotiations between the FARC and Colombian government will only end in disappointment if both parties cannot be convinced that the other side is negotiating in good faith. For this reason, the release of Clara Rojas and Consuelo González is an important first step because it shows that, at a minimum, such an operation can be carried out. It also demonstrates that a complex operation involving numerous international delegates and the demilitarization of vast territories (e.g. Florida and Pradera) is not necessarily required to carry out a successful humanitarian exchange. Though I remain cautiously optimistic, I do hope that in the coming months we will hear about the release of additional hostages and the parties engaging in "talks about talks."

Helicopters sent to recover hostages held by FARC

This morning two Venezuelan helicopters were dispatched to San José de Guaviare in southeast Colombia to recover hostages Clara Rojas and Consuelo Gonzalez. The hostages will be released somewhere between the communities of San José de Guaviare and El Retorno. Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos also reported that once the hostages have been released the rescue mission would provide time for the rebels to retreat into the mountainous countryside by waiting one hour before taking off and heading to Venezuela.

Wednesday, January 9

Colombian government authorizes hostage rescue operation

According to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the coordinates indicating the whereabouts of hostages Clara Rojas (a hostage held by the FARC since 2002 and the mother of three-year-old Emmanuel) and Consuelo Gonzalez. The Colombian government has reportedly agreed to allow the Red Cross to carry out the rescue mission.

This is a crucial moment for these negotiations as any infractions by either party, real or perceived, will most certainly thwart the rescue mission. If the women are recovered and determined to be in good condition, this would signal that the FARC wants to be perceived as a legitimate negotiating partner and possibly that it wishes to pursue a negotiated settlement to the conflict. And while unilateral confidence-building measures like this one are not always reciprocated, they can serve as an important first step in creating the conditions necessary to initiate broader peace negotiations.

Hugo Chavez and his dubious role as hostage negotiator

Last week, the founder and chief of the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) Pedro Antonio Marín, alias Manuel Marulanda and/or Tirofijo, announced a "general offensive" in a New Year message. He encouraged the guerrilla movement to take advantage of the alleged "crisis faced by the government and the tiredness shown by some military units to work on a general offensive," and he urged his subordinate commanders to "launch armed actions in roads, lanes, jungle, urban centers, villages and garrisons, with no truce for the enemy, as they do it."

In related news, the Colombian government announced on Monday that it would no longer authorize international humanitarian missions such as the one that late December arrived in Villavicencio to witness the failed delivery of three hostages held by the left-wing Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) to President Hugo Chávez. Colombian Minister of the Interior and Justice Carlos Holguín Sardi argued that, following the FARC's failure to meet their promise to release three hostages, "you cannot negotiate with cheaters and liars."

The following day, Colombian High Commissioner for Peace Luis Carlos Restrepo softened the Uribe Administration's position when he said that any future efforts by the international community to support the release of the hostages held by the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) should be based on "their reliance on the Colombian government, discrete operations, and efficient communication." This is good news because it serves to clarify the previous position that seemed to rule out any possibility of future mediation efforts led by international parties.

Some hardliners argue that Colombia ought to reject offers by "outsiders" to serve as mediators between the Colombian government and the FARC. Distrustful of his motives, some view Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's ongoing mediation efforts as a veiled interventionist strategy aimed at undermining Colombian sovereignty. Unfortunately, such rigid positions are unwise and may even be counterproductive to the negotiation process.

While Chavez may indeed possess ulterior motives, this might be used to break the current impasse. A strong argument can be made that the FARC finds itself in an untenable position, weakened by numerous military setbacks at the hands of the U.S.-backed Colombian armed forces and increasingly poor internal coordination. This last point became more evident in recent weeks as the group was unable to verify the whereabouts and locate Emmanuel, the three-year-old boy that the FARC had agreed to hand over to Chavez as part of a December hostage release. For more coverage of the proposed hostage release, click here.

And while the FARC might have indeed lied to Chavez about the hostage release or tried to "fool the international community" by offering to hand over a hostage that it did not have, something about this explanation fails to be convincing. Adam Isacson of the Center for International Policy posits that rather than trying to pull off an elaborate ruse, the FARC simply lost track of the boy due to its own incompetence.

This incompetence, combined with the reality that they no longer operate freely as they once did throughout much of the Colombian countryside, demonstrates that the insurgency is engaged in a costly and unsustainable predicament. Then again, the movement has been waging war for over 40 years and seems to possess vast reserves of patience and the capacity to wait out its current vulnerability through pursuing a strategy of playing not to lose rather than playing to win.

Assuming that the FARC does perceive that a military victory cannot be attained, it might choose to pursue an alternative approach in the place of a sustained armed conflict. It is therefore possible that the group will give up its weapons and engage in the political process if it could be convinced that doing so were worthwhile. That is precisely why Hugo Chavez plays such an important and beneficial role as the mediator. In fact, he and his leftist allies in the region might actually be the only parties capable of convincing the FARC to cease their armed struggle and instead seek power and influence through the ballot box. While we are still far from reaching this outcome, I am still hopeful that the parties will find a way to move past the current impasse. We shall see if President Chavez can facilitate this process by brokering a hostage release in the coming days and weeks.

Story of Colombian boy hostage emerges

The Miami Herald
By JENNY CAROLINA GONZALEZ

This town of 4,000 deep in Colombia's southern jungle, ironically named The Return, is where the boy now known as Emmanuel began his long journey from a guerrilla hostage to freedom. To Colombian government officials, neighbors and friends, he was a very sick child named Juan David Gómez Tapiero. But DNA tests showed he is almost certainly Emmanuel, born in captivity to a politician kidnapped by FARC guerrillas. His story created worldwide headlines when the FARC offered to release him, his mother, and another hostage to Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. But few people, including FARC leaders, knew at the time that the guerrillas no longer had the boy. A visit by The Miami Herald to this largely jungled region some 310 miles south of the capital city of Bogotá produced the first detailed account of Emmanuel's path from El Retorno to headline-maker, though many questions remain unanswered.

In early June 2005, José Crisanto Gómez, a 37-year-old peasant, arrived here by boat after a one-day trip from his tiny village of La Paz, according to several residents. La Paz was then under the control of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, a leftist guerrilla group better known as FARC. Gómez arrived with two sickly children, seeking medical care for them. One, a boy of about 11 months, had what medical personnel here described as one of the worst health profiles they had seen: malaria, a broken arm, severe malnutrition, anemia, a high fever, diarrhea and leishmaniasis, a serious skin disease common in the jungle.

"It was depressing"
The public clinic here immediately transferred him to the hospital in the provincial capital, San José del Guaviare, only 17 miles but a 40-minute drive away. ''It is not common to receive children in the [bad] health that Juan David arrived,'' said Rosario Neira, director of the San José hospital. "It was depressing, everything that had come together on just one child. It made for sadness. Anyone would have fallen apart before this child, with so many diseases,'' she added. "He didn't raise his eyes. He got toys but did not pick them up. He did not stand but dragged himself on his butt. He cried but no tears came because of the malnutrition.''

Given what is now known about the boy, his poor health is not surprising. Emmanuel was born in a FARC jungle camp to one-time vice presidential candidate Clara Rojas, kidnapped by the rebels along with presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt nearly six years ago during a campaign trip to a rural area. The father was reported to be a rebel who had a consensual relationship with Rojas.

Similar accounts
One El Retorno resident who says José Crisanto Gómez told him the full story in confidence recalled that Gómez had said the boy was left in his care in La Paz by FARC fighters during a battle with Colombian army troops. The rebels promised to return for him in a week. A close friend of Gómez's wife, Liliana, 24, said she also was told that the FARC intended to leave the child for only a few days. The friend, who asked for anonymity because of concerns for her safety, added that the FARC wanted the child's broken arm treated by Liliana's stepfather, a folk healer.

"Just an instrument"
The friend and the El Retorno resident both insist that not until about two weeks ago did Gómez begin to suspect that the boy was the son of Clara Rojas. They also deny rumors that Gómez was a member of 12,000-strong FARC, Latin America's oldest and most powerful guerrilla group. ''He was just an instrument. What blame can he have if the only thing he did was lend a hand? Besides, it is a common practice for the guerrillas to leave their children in the care of other families,'' said one Gómez neighbor, who also asked to remain anonymous because of fear.

"They were very poor"
The boy remained with the Gómez family in La Paz for 30 to 45 days, according to the family friends. But seeing the boy's health worsening -- and one of his own sons ailing -- Gómez decided to make the trip to El Retorno with the two boys. Gómez apparently did not have the FARC's permission for the trip, the El Retorno resident said. And once he was there, the guerrillas threatened him. So the whole family -- Liliana, their six other children and Liliana's stepfather -- fled La Paz and moved to the El Retorno neighborhood of El Quindío, a poor section of dirt streets and houses made of zinc sheeting. ''They were very poor. Sometimes they had nothing to eat. When there were days when it was two in the afternoon and they had had no breakfast, I would give something to the youngest,'' said Liliana's friend. "The grandfather went often to the slaughterhouse to see if he could find some bones."

Desperate, Gómez took the ailing baby to the El Retorno's public clinic on June 15, saying that the boy was the son of a niece, Martha Tapiero, who had died. Emmanuel's health improved at the San José hospital, but the day after his arrival there he was declared a ward of the government's Colombian Institute for Family Welfare. On June 28, 2005 he was stable enough to be transferred to a government facility in Bogotá for treatment of his broken arm, malaria and leishmaniasis, according to Neira, the director of the San José hospital. "We sent him on [to Bogotá] because he required a superior level of care than we could offer here," Neira said.

Asked about a boy
In Bogotá, while recuperating from surgery on his arm, the child was placed with a foster family. But Gómez kept track of the boy through a Family Welfare official in San José, said Jhon Valdéz, who spoke to Gómez in his role as the El Retorno representative of the federal government ombudsman's office. "He knew where the child was and was very interested. The reason he could not go to see him was because he had no money," Valdéz told The Miami Herald. He added that Gómez not only wanted the child back because of the FARC, but because he had grown fond of the boy. Early last year, Gómez, then working in construction, made a failed attempt to win a seat on the El Retorno municipal council, saying he wanted to represent the thousands of peasants forced by the war to flee the countryside for more urban areas.

Threats
The Gómez family suffered another blow last April when Family Welfare officials ruled the boy had been abandoned, jeopardizing Gómez's ability to recover the child. The officials argued that Gómez was too poor to care for the child and had failed to prove that he was related to the boy. Gómez unsuccessfully appealed to Valdéz, the ombudsman. Last June, the FARC began to press him for the child's return. By November, the demands had turned into threats, and Gómez decided to try to get the boy back now claiming that he was the boy's father, Valdéz said. "He never told the FARC that the child was with [Family Welfare]," Valdéz said. "He told me that the boy was his life insurance, and that if he revealed where he was, they would kill him.''

Deadline
Valdéz said that on the afternoon of Dec. 26, after the FARC had given Gómez a Dec. 30 deadline to hand over the child, Gómez went to his office and revealed the whole story in confidence -- still unaware of the boy's true identity. By that time, Chávez had gathered a slew of international observers to supervise the hostages' release and sent several aircraft to the city of Villavicencio, on the edge of Colombia's jungle, to await the promised release of Emmanuel, his mother, and former Congresswoman Consuelo González. Valdéz said he counseled Gómez to turn himself in to authorities. Gómez agreed to but waited until Dec. 29 -- after he had received his monthly salary from his construction job. That afternoon, the family abandoned their house in El Retorno and went to San José. On December 31, Gómez, contacted other authorities who immediately called the police. He repeated his story, and the family is now under the government's witness protection program. The same day, Colombian President Alvaro Uribe announced that his intelligence agencies had received information that Emmanuel was not under FARC control and was likely the same boy under care of a foster mother in Bogotá.

Surprise
In El Retorno, the news that the hostage-boy Emmanuel had in fact lived among them surprised many of the residents. "Never did we imagine that child had been here," said restaurant manager Lorena Amado. "It's a good thing they found him. Maybe now," said Neira, the San José hospital administrator, "he will get all the love that he's been missing."

Saturday, January 5

Narco-submarines used for shipping tons of cocaine

On September 11, 2000, reports began to circulate regarding super-sized narco-submarine construction efforts underway in Bogota, Colombia, raising many incredulous eyebrows in the process. "They won't believe me in Washington," said Leo Arreguin, the surprised DEA director in Colombia, on stumbling upon the most spectacular findings of his career as an anti-narcotics agent. Arreguin had discovered a submarine 36 meters (118 feet) long and capable of transporting up to 15 tons of cocaine. "Never in my 32 years of police work have I seen something like this." According to police, the project was the result of efforts by Russian and Colombian mafias with ties to organized crime in the United States. Upon seeing the submarine, one Russian embassy official exclaimed, "This is technology from my country!"

Since 1994, traffickers have used mini-submarines to transport drugs, but Ismael Idrobo from the Colombian Naval Academy pointed out that never before had such a large vessel been discovered. Built in Bogota, the narco-submarine was to be dismantled into three sections and transported to Buenaventura, a seaside port located over 700 kilometers away. The vessel, weighing in at 150 tons, could have operated at depths of 100 meters (330 feet) and able to carry 10-15 tons of cargo while remaining submerged for over six hours at a time.

In 2003, the Spanish customs agency (SVA) reported that it suspected that mafias hailing from the northwest Spanish province of Galicia possessed submarines for carrying out their narcotics trafficking operations. At that time, the agency explained that Russian submarines had been up for sale and that narcotraffickers from various countries potentially could use them to evade counter-narcotics patrols. Then in 2006, Spanish police discovered a 10-meter long submarine near the Cies islands, close to the port city of Vigo. Not surprising, Vigo is an industrial city known for its long tradition of building submarines.

Since 2005, Colombia's navy has captured 18 homemade submarines. In November 2007, Colombian marines seized a makeshift submarine capable of smuggling up to 12 metric tons of cocaine through the Pacific to Central America. The vessel, under construction but nearly completed, was found in a rural area in south Nariño province and had enough space for four crew members. That same month, the Costa Rican Coast Guard announced that U.S. Coast Guards had seized a submarine carrying 3.5 tons of cocaine in the Pacific Ocean off Costa Rica and arrested three Colombians on board. In December, Colombian forces, backed by the U.S. Coast Guard, stopped an underwater craft that was then sunk by its crew members in order to destroy their incriminating cargo. Since then, another submarine was discovered on January 4. In both cases, the smugglers opened the hatches to sink the vessels before they could be boarded by authorities. Each of these submarines had the capacity to ship 10 to 12 tons of cocaine to the United States.

In 2008, look for more discoveries of these narco-submarines off the coast of Guinea-Bissau, the worlds' fifth poorest country and an increasingly important transit hub for Colombian narcotics smuggled to Europe.